Sunday, October 19, 2025
Newsletter
Support Kaniva
Home Blog Page 6

Gov’t misleads on King’s new board; the bill reverses 2010 reforms that barred unchecked royal spending power

By
Kalino Latu
-

Analysis – The new King’s Diplomatic Services Act, recently approved by the government, is a dangerous step backward for Tonga’s fragile democracy.

Dr Taniela Fusimalohi (L) and PM Dr ‘Aisake Eke

Despite the bill’s high risks, the government’s defence of the legislated King’s board has revealed two startling possibilities.

Was it an attempt to mislead the public about the dangers, or was it merely ignorant of them?

Let’s set the record straight.

The approved bill, under Part II, Clause 5(1), states: His Majesty The King is authorised to establish and maintain the diplomatic and consular services of the Kingdom. Crucially, Clause 5(2)(a) stipulates that this Diplomatic Services must be funded by the government.

This is where the danger arises: the board will be government-funded, yet there is no guarantee that the King and his board of directors will be held accountable for any issues arising from the use of those funds. Previously, funding for foreign affairs and diplomatic services was under the purview of the Minister and Chief Executive Officer of Foreign Affairs, ensuring its processing was transparent and accountable. This significant change to the legal framework directly contradicts claims by Prime Minister Eke and Deputy Prime Minister Fusimalohi that the controversial bill made no major alterations.

Absorbing Ministry Into King’s Board

The members of the royal board are handpicked by the King and are responsible for making decisions regarding diplomatic services, controlling and implementing these services, and monitoring their processes, as stipulated in Clause 7 of the bill. This distinguishes it from all other government boards governed by the Public Enterprise Act 2016, which mandates accountability to the Minister and the government. This reflects another inconsistency in the government’s insistence that the new bill makes no major changes.

While Section 9 of the controversial bill designates the Minister for Foreign Affairs as responsible for administering and managing His Majesty’s Diplomatic Services, clause 17 mandates that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs be dismantled and absorbed into the King’s new board. Clause 16 stipulates that any decision made by the Minister must be approved by the King and his board. This provision illustrates the extent of the power vested in the board, effectively making it the controlling authority. This highlights yet another contradiction in the government’s claim that the bill introduces no substantial reforms.

These developments are dangerous to the country’s economic and political stability and represent a regression to the pre-2010 era. The king’s inherent social and traditional authority renders him unchallengeable, irrespective of any errors in judgment. This effectively eliminates any mechanism within the board’s structure to guarantee the proper management of public funds, a further inconsistency in the government’s position that the legislation entails no significant alterations.

The Government’s Misguided Argument

The Eke government asserted that it was merely updating Clauses 39, 40 and 41 to reflect the King’s entitlements.

The clauses are as follows:

39. Treaties

It shall be lawful for the King to make treaties with Foreign States provided that such treaties shall be in accordance with the laws of the Kingdom. The King may appoint his representatives to other nations according to the custom of nations.

40. Foreign ministers

The King shall receive Foreign Ministers and may address the Legislative Assembly in writing regarding the affairs of the Kingdom and matters which he may wish to bring before the Assembly for deliberation.

41. King’s powers – Signature to Acts

The King is the Sovereign of all the Chiefs and all the people. The person of the King is sacred. He reigns the country but ministers are responsible. All Acts that have passed the Legislative Assembly must bear the King’s signature before they become law

These clauses did not authorise the King to make decisions and finance them from the public purse. Instead, if any of his constitutional duties required funding, the law mandated that approval was a matter for the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Chief Executive Officer. This approval process was a critical safeguard, ensuring the King’s decisions were legally scrutinised. The new law enacted by the Eke government fundamentally violates these constitutional safeguards.

Misleading on Major Changes

Deputy Prime Minister Taniela Fusimalohi downplayed the high risks posed by this bill to public funds by telling the press last Friday that there were “no big changes” to the current law, and it was only name changes, removing the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and replacing it with His Majesty’s Diplomatic Services. He also stated that the Minister for Foreign Affairs would still manage and operate the department as usual, according to the current Acts and constitution.

His explanation was deceptively appealing to a public that failed to read the controversial law between the lines. It demonstrates his failure to grasp the bill’s core principle: that the King’s board must be funded from public funds. This represents a significant departure from the accountability measures enshrined in the constitution, particularly Clause 50, which outlines the function, constitution, and powers of the Cabinet.

He also claimed the king’s board was analogous to other government boards, such as the Ministry of Education’s. This was misleading, as those boards are accountable to their Minister and the government, with appointments made transparently under the Public Enterprises Act. In contrast, the King’s new board operates without oversight, solely under the King’s control.

Codifying Unchecked Royal Power

The bill is profoundly dangerous as it codifies the King’s traditionally unchecked authority, permitting him to appoint individuals to a board that spends public funds without independent oversight from a body like the Public Service Commission (PSC). The risk, as evidenced by past instances, is that appointments will be based on personal loyalty rather than the skills and qualifications essential for handling the nation’s significant diplomatic interests. This power, exercised without transparency and enforced by silencing dissent, has been proven to be at the core of many failed royal projects in the past, prompting the urgency of the 2010 democratic reforms.

A puppet Minister of Foreign Affairs

Fusimalohi further claimed that the Minister of Foreign Affairs would retain full operational control of the department. However, he failed to state that, under the new bill, the Minister is compelled to manage diplomatic services in accordance with the directives of the King and his appointed board—a body that holds no accountability to Parliament.

A more critical flaw in this argument is the evident trend that future appointments to this ministerial office will require alignment with the King’s preferences.

The King’s son, Crown Prince Tupouto’a, is the current Minister for Foreign Affairs. It appears that any future government would continue to appoint him to the role to appease the King.

This was demonstrated during the former Huʻakavameiliku government when the King insisted on trying to control the ministry, even though the Attorney General advised that it was unconstitutional. The King’s insistence persisted until he forced his noble MPs in the Huʻakavameiliku Cabinet to resign ahead of a vote of no confidence, which led to Huʻakavameiliku’s ouster.

Given this trend, any future Minister of Foreign Affairs would effectively be a puppet of the King and would enact the wishes of the King and his board regarding the use of public money. Furthermore, because the King and his board are not accountable to the public, their budget would lack transparency and accountability.

The government has faced widespread criticism both for its failure to conduct public consultation on the bill and for submitting it to Parliament for urgent approval on the eve of the annual adjournment. This haste has prompted widespread concern over why such a significant change was rushed through.

Shincheonji Tanzania Church Holds Revelation Bible Exam with Local Pastors and Believers

By
Kaniva Staff
-

Sponsored

“Based on Rev 22:18-19, Examine Yourself: Have You Kept the Word According to the Bible?”

On the 18th, Shincheonji Church of Jesus, the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony, Peter Tribe, Tanzania Church (led by Head Instructor Yoon Hyun-chul, hereafter referred to as Shincheonji Tanzania Church) conducted an open Revelation Bible exam with local Protestant pastors and Shincheonji members in major cities, including Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

On the 18th, Shincheonji Peter Tribe Tanzania Church conducted an “Open Revelation Bible Exam” in four major Tanzanian cities with 98 local Protestant pastors and 40 Shincheonji members.

The purpose of this exam was to evaluate whether believers who hope for heaven have kept the words of Revelation (Rev 22:18-19) and to encourage each person to stand rightly before God. The exam consisted of 10 main questions and 33 sub-questions, all centered on Revelation. Participants reflected not just on knowledge, but on whether they truly believed and practiced according to the Word.

A total of 138 participants took the exam, including 98 local Protestant pastors and 40 Shincheonji members. Unlike last year’s exam in Korea, where only one pastor from a traditional denomination participated, this marked the first time a large number of pastors overseas took part.

The results showed a notable difference between groups (Shincheonji members scored an average of 95 points, while Protestant pastors scored an average of 7 points). However, the primary goal was not to rank participants, but to create an opportunity for self-reflection through Revelation and to draw closer to God.

Local Tanzanian pastors and Shincheonji members who took the “Open Revelation Bible Exam” on the 18th pose for a commemorative photo holding their exam papers.

One participating pastor said:“Seeing Shincheonji members write their answers so confidently today made me reflect on my faith and calling as a pastor. I will study Revelation through the Shincheonji Zion Christian Mission Center, lead my congregation on God’s path, and teach them correctly so they can enter heaven.”

Chairman Lee Man-hee of Shincheonji Church of Jesus has consistently emphasized Revelation 22:18–19, saying, “To enter heaven, one must not add to or subtract from the words of Revelation, but fully understand and keep them.”

He has also stated, “The standard for discerning truth and falsehood, orthodoxy and heresy, is not human tradition or doctrine, but the Word of God alone,” highlighting the necessity of testing faith by the Bible.

Previously, Shincheonji Church of Jesus held a similar Bible exam in Korea with pastors from traditional churches, drawing attention at the time. Among 313 participants, only one pastor from an established denomination joined. This Tanzanian event, therefore, is significant as the first instance of large-scale pastor participation overseas.

A Shincheonji Church representative commented:

“The Bible exam is not just a test of knowledge, but a way to confirm whether one’s standard of faith is truly the Word of God. We are grateful that more pastors are gradually joining both domestically and internationally. We hope more churches and believers will unite and interact based on Scripture.”

A Tanzanian Protestant pastor answering questions during the “Open Revelation Bible Exam” on the 18th

Meanwhile, since its establishment in 2018, Shincheonji Tanzania Church has grown steadily, with about 2,440 members as of August this year. The church continues to work toward spreading Scripture-centered faith through active exchanges with local pastors.

George Mahoni named in court as alleged shooter in Pongi killing

By
Kaniva Staff
-

The man accused of firing the shot that killed Charles Pongi during a violent confrontation has been formally identified in court as George Mahoni.

The details emerged during a hearing at the Auckland High Court, where prosecutors outlined their case against multiple individuals connected to the incident, the New Zealand Herald reported.

Devonte Iakopo, George Anthony Mahoni, Vili Laungaue, Lika Feterika and Vini Mahoni have all pleaded not guilty to Pongi’s murder in Auckland’s Pt England on August 5, 2023.

While naming Mahoni as the alleged triggerman, prosecutors offered a note of caution, acknowledging that while their theory points to him firing the fatal shot, they cannot yet state this with absolute certainty.

The court was shown CCTV footage of the event, which prosecutors allege shows Mahoni at the centre of the confrontation.

The individual identified as Mahoni was described as wearing a distinctive outfit: a broad-brimmed hat, a colourful LA Lakers hoodie, a brown bandana covering his face, and a bullet-proof vest as he advanced and opened fire.

Pongi, 32, suffered a single gunshot wound to the collarbone.

The court heard that the bullet had tragically lodged in his spine. The moment he was struck was captured on the same CCTV footage presented to the judge.

In a desperate attempt to save his life, associates drove Pongi to Auckland Hospital. He was pronounced dead upon arrival.

Mahoni has pleaded not guilty to a charge of murder.

The trial is set to continue next week as the prosecution continues to present its evidence.

Handing Foreign Affairs to the King—based on a flawed constitution and a broken promise—confers no legitimate power

By
Kalino Latu
-

Commentary – The Eke government’s justification for transferring Foreign Affairs to the King—that it simply reflects powers already vested in the crown by the constitution—is not only invalid but reveals a profound misunderstanding of the constitution’s democratic intent.

The King of Tonga, King George Tupou V is photographed on his throne in Nuku’aloka,Tonga, Friday, Aug. 1, 2008. The coronation, which included singing by a choir of more than 300, was the first in Tonga since 1967 when King George V’s father, the late King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, ascended to the throne. (AP Photo/New Zealand Herald)

For 15 years now, since the promise of democratic reform in 2010, the people of Tonga have continued to struggle, still living with the illusion of a change that never fully arrived.

The democratic reforms were meant to transfer all of the King’s executive powers to the people’s elected representatives. If the 2010 transition failed to achieve this goal, then the system must be fixed to finally deliver on its promise of genuine democracy.

The justification for Eke’s controversial amendment to the constitution was recently revealed by the Minister of Police Piveni Piukala, during his weekly show on VPON media.

This defence relies exclusively on Tonga’s current constitution, which is famously condemned as the “most poorly written” among all the Commonwealth countries.

A key intention of the 2010 democratic reforms, according to King George V, was that the King’s power would no longer be exercised “at will” but “must be exercised solely on the advice of the Prime Minister.”

It was the king’s ambition that all executive branch structures must be accountable to Parliament.

As the Ministry of Foreign Affairs operates under this executive authority, it must—from a democratic perspective—remain under the control of people’s elected leaders who are accountable to taxpayers through Parliament.

The core democratic principle here is that the people must be able to scrutinise their leaders and hold them accountable for any misguided decisions made while overseeing a ministry funded by public money.

Therefore, the King, who is neither elected by nor accountable to the public, must not be involved in controlling any executive branch structures.

The unresolved royal scandals of the 1980s-2000s, which cost taxpayers millions, prove that the monarchy can no longer hold a role in the executive branch.

Authorising on flaw is flaw to authorise

Any legitimate attempt to amend the constitution—especially while the country is grappling with allegations of corruption among its leaders—must be grounded in the clear democratic precedent established by King George V.

The Eke government’s failure to anchor its actions in this historical promise reveals a troubling disregard for both constitutional principles and Tonga’s democratic trajectory.

King George’s democracy proclamation record provides the clearest rebuttal to the Eke government’s flawed justification.

During a comprehensive interview with Bruce Hill of ABC Radio Australia in 2010, the late King himself outlined the philosophical and practical foundations for transferring power to an elected government.

He made himself clear about the political pathway and his intention.

It began after King George Tupou I successfully staged a revolution against the Tu’i Tonga dynasty. Vowing to democratise the government, Tupou I introduced democratic principles to Tonga with the 1875 constitution, even while retaining key powers for the crown. This established a foundational balance between monarchy and popular representation.

Over a century later, and in the 2000s, King George V framed his historic reforms not as a break from this past, but as its ultimate fulfilment. He presented the act of relinquishing his executive powers not as a diminishment of the monarchy, but as the natural and necessary conclusion of his predecessor’s work, adapted for a modern era.

King George V’s Unfulfilled Democratic Promise

King George V articulated this profound connection between the original constitution and his democratic mandate clearly during his interview with Hill as follows:

“I think it’s the natural development of the original 19th century constitution. It’s an attempt to take the principles of that Constitution and apply them in 21st century idiom, which of course has to be democracy.

King George V did not see the democratic reform as a mere political ideal, but as a practical necessity for Tonga’s progress. He argued that for a nation to thrive, its system of government must evolve in lockstep with its economy. This belief was at the heart of his vision, as he explained:

“…I have always wanted to do this for the country, and it’s a very practical idea in that our political life has to travel at the same speed and same level as the development of our economic life.”

He firmly rejected calls from the nobility to revert to the old system, arguing that progress required a new path:

“People expressed to me their views … my fellow Nobility expressed to me their views, that perhaps Tonga was far better off as it was before under the old system. Well I had a simple answer to that … and that was, you can’t expect to keep repeating the same mistakes and expect a different result because that would be totally unreasonable.”

Crucially, King George viewed the new model not as a final product, but as a starting point that must be adapted over time, stating:

“Well what we have done is we have given it our best shot and said, this is the model we have come up with … that’s the present government and I. But I hope that in the future if the government or the parliament, find that what we’ve put up or what we’ve proposed is inadequate in any way that they will feel free to make the necessary adjustments …you know…. It’s not an unchangeable thing. I think our constitution should be kept alive with minor changes and adjustments to suit life … as the country progresses.”

Tonga must reclaim King George V’s democratic vision, and this is a call for his brother, King Tupou VI, to fulfil it. The only way to overcome a legacy of corruption allegations and royal scandals is to embrace a future of transparent and accountable governance.

Tonga beats Manu Samoa 30-16 in Nuku’alofa

By
Kalino Latu
-

By Iliesa Tora, RNZ Pacific

The ‘Ikale Tahi of Tonga have started their Pacific Nations Cup 2025 campaign and 2027 Rugby World Cup qualifier on a high, defeating Samoa 30-16 in Nuku’alofa on Saturday afternoon.

The two teams in the middle of the field in a team huddle after the game at Te’ufaiva Stadium. Tonga defeated Samoa 30-16. Photo: Supplied / Tonga Rugby

Strengthened with at least 12 of their 2023 Rugby World Cup campaigners, the Tongans gave their fans at Te’ufaiva Stadium something to celebrate, dominating the game early and taking control from the opening minutes.

In the end they scored three tries to Manu Samoa’s two, the difference coming from the boots of Tongan flyhalf Patrick Pellegrini.

The game was the first in the PNC series for the year, and also kicked off the world cup qualification for Oceania.

It kicked off with the traditional game challenges, Tonga laying down their sipitau challenge while Manu Samoa replied with their ‘Manu Samoa’ sivitau.

Captain Ben Tameifuna, one of the survivors from the 2023 campaign in France, thanked God and fans for their support post match, adding the win was critical for their campaign.

“Thankful to everyone for their support, Manu Samoa for the game and the boys for sticking to the fight,” he said.

“It was a tough match, as we expected, but glad we were able to get the win.

“The job is not done yet and we will re-focus on what’s next.”

Next is Fiji in Suva next weekend.

Head coach Tevita Tuifua, who with assistant Nili Latu, have been working on re-shaping the team since last year, said it was good to win the first match and get that out of the way.

“Thank the boys for sticking with the game plan,” he said.

“We planned to work hard throughout and start well and the players did that. Now we can come back next week and work on what we need to before we tackle Fiji.”

Manu Samoa captain Theodore MacFarland congratulated Tonga and said his team will go back to the drawing board and work on areas they need to before they face Fiji in Rotorua on 6 September.

“Tough one but Tonga played well and we will re-group,” he added.

Tonga started the scoring in the game, taking just seven minutes to get on the scoreboard.

Led by big Tameifuna, the forwards went into a drive towards the Samoan line after six minutes, with flanker Siosiua Moala diving over the line. Pellegrini converted for Tonga to lead 7-0.

The forward battle were fierce and physical, both packs trying to out-do each other for possession and control.

The home team had the upper hand as Tameifuna, Siegfried Fisi’ihoi, Siua Maile, Halaleva Fifita, Tanginoa Halaifonua, and tough Moana Pasifika number eight Lotu Inisi combined to slowly dominate the ground battle.

Veteran halfback Sonatane Takulua, who had to comeback from retirement, scored the team’s second try in the 24th minute when he chased a loose ball from a Samoan lineout.

Samoa had tapped the ball back from a lineout close to their line and Takulua ran in, collec ted and diver over the line. Pellegrini’s conversion saw Tonga lead 17-0, having slotted a penalty earlier.

Tonga’s backline of Pellegrini, wingers John Tapueluelu and Fine Inisi, centres Fetuli Paea and Solomone Kata, plus fullback Salesi Piutau kept changing options and pushed the Samoans hard in defense.

Manu Samoa fought hard to get on the scoreboard and a penalty to flyhalf AJ Alatimu converted a penalty inside the Tongan half to put their first points on the board.

Pellegrini added another penalty before Alatimu got his second through the posts, as Tonga led 20-6 at the break.

The second half was intense and play went from one end of the field to the other.

Samoa’s MacFarland and his pack of Aki Seiuli, Pita Anae-Ah Sue, Michael Alaalatoa, Benjamin Petaia Nee-Nee, Samuel Slade, Taleni Seu and Iakopo Mapu worked hard in their set-pieces and the battle for possession.

It paid off for the side when winger Tuna Tuitama finished off in the corner, after some good exchanges in the 60th minute.

That brought Samoa back within range, with nine points to chase.

But Pellegrini kicked another penalty before replacement hooker Samiuela Moli finished off a strong Tongan forward maul in the 80th minute.

The conversion from the Moana Pasfika flyhalf saw Tonga’s lead go to 30-11.

Manu Samoan winger Melani Nanai finished off with a spectacular dive in the corner following a counter from Samoa, and with time running out it was a case of too little, too late for the visitors to Nuku’alofa.

Fans at Te'ufaiva Stadium in Nuku'alofa following Saturday's opening 2025 Pacific Nations Cup clash and 2027 Rugby World Cup qualifier clash between Samo and Tonga. Tonga won 30-16.

Fans at Te’ufaiva Stadium in Nuku’alofa following Saturday’s opening 2025 Pacific Nations Cup clash and 2027 Rugby World Cup qualifier clash between Samo and Tonga. Tonga won 30-16. Photo: Supplied / Tonga Rugby

Samoa will have a bye next week when the second round of the Pacific zone is played, with Tonga travelling to Suva to face the Flying Fijians.

The Asia/America zone kicked off this afternoon (Saturday NZ time) as well with Canada defeating United States of America 34-20 in Calgary.

Three rounds of round-robin matches will be played in the two different zones or pools, before the play-off across the zones will be staged in the United States of America.

Three teams from Canada, Samoa, Tonga and USA will qualify from the series for the 2027 Rugby World Cup, with Fiji and Japan already qualified.

Minister Piukala faces defamation allegation, vows to vigorously defend public comments

By
Kalino Latu
-

A political storm is brewing in Tonga as the Minister for Public Enterprises and Police, Piveni Piukala, publicly refuses to retract statements about a missing shipping container—statements that have now triggered a formal defamation allegation.

Minister of Police Piveni Piukala

It is understood, a company has demanded the retraction through its lawyer.

The controversy stems from a press conference where Minister Piukala commented on the mysterious disappearance of a container from the secured Queen Salote Wharf.

As Kaniva News reported last month, Piukala alleged that a group he described as an organised crime unit may have been responsible for the disappearance.

Minister Piukala revealed that the case was serious enough for him to personally engage the Head of the National Security and Intelligence Unit.

“I believe this is part of an organised crime,” he stated at the time, emphasising that Tonga is battling a deeply entrenched criminal network exacerbated by systemic corruption.

Expressing his disbelief at the incident, the Minister highlighted the stringent protocols required for releasing a container from the wharf.

“It’s not just one person who signs it out—it involves multiple authorities, including the shipping agency, Customs Ministry, Port Authority, and Stevedores,” he said in Tongan.

“For someone to remove a container without leaving a trace through this entire process is beyond reason.”

He said that he found it difficult to understand how it could happen in a workplace with a sophisticated process in place to ensure the release of any container is approved.

Minister Defies Legal Retraction Demand

In a legal letter dated August 21, 2025, addressed to a representative known only as Mr Edwards, the Minister stood firmly by his remarks.

“I refuse to retract my statements, as they were made in good faith and reflect a reasonable assessment of the factual circumstances,” Minister Piukala stated in the letter.

“My comments did not, at any point, accuse any specific body or your client, of misconduct or criminal activity but rather highlighted legitimate concerns about port security procedures, which is a matter of public interest.”

He clarified that his comments were not an accusation but an expression of concern over systemic issues.

“Not once did I directly or indirectly imply that your client is responsible or at fault, but simply part of a weak procedure.”

The Minister, addressing Edwards’s allegation, recounted his remarks from the press conference and interviews as follows:

“For a shipping container to be cleared from a secured port facility, it would typically need to pass through multiple regulatory and operational checkpoints, including those managed by the shipping agency, Customs Ministry, Ports Authority, and Stevedores; this is a fact. Therefore, for it to just go “missing” without any clear indication of what went wrong and where it went wrong, reasonably raises concerns and suspicions on how it could have happened at all. 

I characterized the incident as suspicious and suggested it could indicate systemic vulnerabilities, simply highlighting the lack of strategic procedures and strict rules controlling entry and exit of cargo and personnel – a procedure which involves your client and other entities. This is also a fact, there are weaknesses in the current practice. Not once did I directly or indirectly imply that your client is responsible or at fault, but simply part of a weak procedure.”

Concerns about the incorporation of customs into Tonga’s constitution

By
Kaniva Staff
-

University of the South Pacific,

Laucala Campus,

Suva,

Fiji.

August 21, 2025.

The Editor,

Kaniva News,

New Zealand.

Subject: Concerns on the incorporation of customs into Tonga’s Constitution.

To Whom It May Concern,

I am writing to express my deep concern regarding a proposed bill before Parliament that seeks to incorporate Tongan customs into the Constitution. I feel compelled to highlight the serious challenges this amendment may pose, in the hope that these concerns will be carefully considered by His Majesty.

Constitutions aim to ensure equality, liberty, and justice for every citizen. Customs, however, by their very nature, are flexible, uncertain, and sometimes unreasonable. The proposed bill’s suggestion that courts should not apply ‘technical rules of evidence’ risks undermining the fundamental principle of justice that guilt must be proven beyond a reasonable doubt.

Amending the Constitution to elevate custom into binding law raises troubling questions of gender equality, abuse of power, and fairness. For example, Tongan customs do not adequately recognise the role of women in positions of authority. The fahu system is frequently abused, with some individuals using it to take property without the consent of the rightful owner, which is an act that directly violates principles of human rights and fairness.

Similarly, the custom of seeking forgiveness, while culturally significant, could unduly interfere with the impartiality of trials and the proper delivery of justice. Even practices of ‘physical punishment,’ which is also abused, while sometimes justified in the name of tradition, raise serious human rights concerns and could be normalised under the new amendment.

For these reasons, I strongly urge that the proposed bill be either reconsidered or revised again to ensure that Parliament specifies what customs are to be recognised to ensure certainty. The Constitution of Tonga must remain a safeguard of equality and justice for all, not a tool to enshrine customs that may perpetuate inequality, abuse, or unfair treatment.

Respectfully,

S11240946.

How Tonga’s flawed constitution forces five PMs to choose: Tolerate royal scandals or demand reform 

By
Kalino Latu
-

Explainer – Significant scrutiny of Tonga’s political system, sparked in the early 1980s, rapidly transformed public daily conversation, replacing talk of plantations and fishing with intense political debate.

A new radio program known as Matalafo Laukai, hosted by veteran democracy campaigner ‘Akilisi Pōhiva from 1981 to 1984, was a primary catalyst. It prompted public debates about taxpayers’ rights to government transparency, accountability and good governance.

It taught residents to realise that even everyday purchases included sales taxes, which contributed to public expenditures, and it highlighted the importance of their involvement in political discussions.

Among the key factors that intensified this shift in political discourse were revelations of the royal family scandals during the period, including King Tupou IV’s controversial passport scheme, his compromised dealings with foreign investors; the collapse of Royal Tongan Airlines under King Tupou VI’s premiership; the controversial takeover of the country’s electricity company by the then-Crown Prince, George V; and Princess Pilolevu Tuita’s alleged misuse of satellite rights.

The traction these revelations gained was largely attributable to the investigative reporting of the Kele‘a newsletter. This publication was established to replace the Matalafo Laukai after the government banned it, and later, the Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper.

It swiftly united scholars and leaders from all walks of life into a movement demanding democratic reform.

This led to the formation of the Pro-Democracy Movement (PDM) in August 1992, spearheaded by Pōhiva, which aimed to advance democratic reforms within Tonga’s constitutional monarchy.  

The tireless efforts of these activists and scholars, supported by strong public backing, culminated in King George V’s agreement. He stated that he had long envisioned democracy as a solution to put an end to abuses of royal privilege.

Their consensus can be summarised in three key objectives:  
(1) protecting the monarchy from allegations of financial mismanagement;  
(2) preventing exploitation of the royal institution by opportunists; and  
(3) ensuring transparent management of public funds through rigorous accountability measures. 

Politics of Personal Animosity

Unfortunately, King George was overly optimistic in trusting Prime Minister Lord Sevele to implement the democratic transition smoothly

Lord Sevele’s opposition to the king’s proposed reforms was widely viewed through a political lens. Critics at the time, including prominent pro-democracy MPs, argued that his stance was fueled by a deep-seated animosity toward his rival, ‘Akilisi Pōhiva.

Further allegations suggested that Sevele feared a Pōhiva-led government would reopen investigations into two major controversies. The first was the 2009 sinking of the MV Princess Ashika during Sevele’s tenure, a ferry disaster that resulted in the deaths of 74 passengers and led to a public inquiry into governmental responsibility.

The second was the 2006 Nuku’alofa riots, which some opposition figures, including Dr Sitiveni Halapua accused Sevele’s government of indirectly inciting by delaying promised democratic reforms.

(L-R) Lord Tu’ivakanō; ‘Akilisi Pōhiva and Hu’akavameiliku

Democratic Hopes Effectively Denied 

The democratic change failed to materialise mainly because the constitution drafted by the Constitutional and Electoral Commission (CEC), based on public consultations and submissions, was not used. Instead, PM Sevele went his own way and reportedly submitted an alternative proposal, now deemed the poorest written constitution among all Commonwealth countries.

The nobility-led government of Lord Tu’ivakanō, which first tested Tonga’s new democratic system in 2010, found significant flaws. In 2011, they hired Peter Pursglove to review the constitution. His review was unequivocal: the reforms had failed to establish genuine democracy. The constitution had been primarily drafted by Lord Dalgety—now one of the king’s law lords—and enacted under Lord Sevele’s government.

Pursglove said the constitution is poorly written, promotes secrecy, has compromised the role of the judiciary and parts of it may be illegal.  

The report also says:  

  • Tonga’s 2010 constitution does not uphold democracy  
  • The Privy Council lacks any democratic composition or accountability  
  • The judiciary lacks accountability and transparency.  
  • Changes to the judiciary are inefficient, ineffective, unaffordable and possibly illegal.  
  • No public discussions were held regarding the reforms to the judiciary or why they were considered necessary.  
  • “The present Constitution of Tonga can lay claim to being the most poorly structured and drafted Constitution of any Country in the Commonwealth,” the report says. 

One of Pursglove’s key recommendations was to transfer the appointment powers for both the Attorney-General and the Police Commissioner from the Privy Council to the Prime Minister and Cabinet.

Power Tussle With Monarchy

Since the democratic breakdown in 2010, Tonga’s five consecutive administrations have responded to the constitutional shortcomings in varying ways – ranging from pursuing the reform to royal appeasement – with some prime ministers exploiting governance flaws to curry royal favour while turning a blind eye to how their actions might implicate the monarchy in potential scandals. 

Three Prime Ministers who wanted to fix the 2010 constitution to fulfil George V’s vision for a full democracy were Lord Tu‘ivakanō (2010 – 2014), ‘Akilisi Pōhiva (2014 – 2019) and Siaosi ‘Ofakivahafolau Sovaleni (2021 – 2024).  

Yet two others—Dr Pōhiva Tu‘i‘onetoa (2019 – 2021) and Dr ‘Aisake Eke (2025)—opted to consolidate power through closer alignment with the King, operating within a constitution widely criticised as dysfunctional, undemocratic, and economically burdensome.  

The Reformers – Benefiting King & Country

The following three leaders worked towards a stable, democratic system that would strengthen the nation and potentially protect the monarchy from future scandals.

1. Lord Tu‘ivakano (2010–2014): Confronting Constitutional Flaws

The nobility-led government of Lord Tu’ivakanō, which first tested Tonga’s new democratic system in 2010, found significant flaws. In 2011, they hired Peter Pursglove to review the constitution. His review was unequivocal: the reforms had failed to establish genuine democracy. The constitution had been primarily drafted by Lord Dalgety—now one of the king’s law lords—and enacted under Lord Sevele’s government.

2. ʻAkilisi Pohiva (2014–2019): Confronting Constitutional Flaws

As the first commoner to be elected Prime Minister of Tonga, Pōhiva vowed to continue Tu’ivakano’s reform efforts during the reign of King Tupou VI. He sought to implement Pursglove’s findings to strengthen democracy, but his tenure was cut short by his death in 2019, leaving his reform agenda unfinished. Before his death, his relationship with King Tupou VI had deteriorated. He complained that, despite his requests, the king regularly refused to meet with him as required by the constitution. He told Kaniva News that he believed the king was trying to reverse the executive powers that King George V had vowed to relinquish in 2010.

3. Siaosi Sovaleni (2021–2022): Challenging Royal Authority 

Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku took a stronger stance against expanding royal powers. He sued the king’s appointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs, arguing the position should remain under the PSC’s jurisdiction. He also rejected a letter from the king declaring that he had lost confidence in him, calling the move unconstitutional. His resistance led to his eventual ousting in a no-confidence motion. This came after the king reportedly forced the nobility MPs in Hu’akavameiliku’s cabinet to resign ahead of the ballot.

Prime Minister Dr ‘Aisake Eke (L) and Late PM Dr Pōhiva Tu’i’onetoa

The Appeasers – Prioritising Short-Term Royal Favour

The following two prime ministers consolidated royal power at the expense of democratic governance, a move criticised as being economically burdensome and potentially harmful to the country’s and the monarchy’s long-term stability.

4. Pohiva Tu’i’onetoa (2019–2021): Halting Reforms, Restoring Royal Powers 

Unlike his predecessors, Tu’i’onetoa did not prioritise constitutional reform. Instead, in 2020, he passed a law transferring the power to appoint the Secretary for Foreign Affairs from the Public Service Commission (PSC) back to the king, reversing a key democratic check on royal authority. However, Tu’i’onetoa did have one initiative that could be considered his contribution to the democratic reforms pursued by Tu’ivakanō and Pōhiva. When he was appointed Prime Minister, Tu’i’onetoa proposed during his first meeting with King Tupou VI that he be allowed to join the Privy Council. He aimed to update the king on government matters promptly. The king declined this proposal.

5. Dr ‘Aisake Eke (2025): Yielding to Royal Pressure 

The current Prime Minister, ‘Aisake ‘Eke, has taken a different approach, bowing to royal pressure. He is being excessively naive in his dealings with the king, and the nomination of his current Cabinet Ministers appears to have been influenced by the monarchy as well. He is the initiator of His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service Bill. This legislation is a direct reversal of Tonga’s 2010 democratic reforms, as it removes foreign affairs from ministerial and parliamentary oversight, placing it under the monarchy’s sole, unchecked control. Critics condemn this not as modernisation, but as a regression to hereditary rule.

Major upgrade: Fuaʻamotu Airport to receive boarding bridges, terminal expansion through Japanese funding

By
Kaniva Staff
-

Tonga’s Fua’amotu International Airport will undergo a significant transformation with new passenger boarding bridges and an expanded terminal, funded through a grant from the Government of Japan.

The upgrades mark the first installation of modern air-bridges in Tonga, revolutionising passenger boarding at the country’s main international gateway.

The multi-million pa’anga project will completely renovate the International Terminal Building, adding elevators for accessibility and constructing a covered shelter at the entrance to protect travellers from the elements.

Aviation officials confirmed the upgrades will also expand the aircraft apron area to prevent operational disruptions during technical issues with planes.

“Additionally, the International Apron will be expanded to ensure continued operations of international flights, even in the event of an aircraft breakdown,” a statement by the Japan International Cooperation Agency in Tonga says this afternoon.

The infrastructure improvement project comes in response to Tonga’s official request to Japan for assistance in upgrading the country’s main international gateway. Since 2022, JICA has conducted extensive preparatory surveys to assess the airport’s needs and develop comprehensive upgrade plans.

Key improvements will focus on the international terminal, featuring an expanded and renovated Passenger Terminal Building.

The upgrades will introduce modern passenger facilities, including Tonga’s first passenger boarding air-bridge and elevator, along with a new covered shelter at the terminal entrance.

The project will also expand the International Apron to maintain flight operations during aircraft technical issues.

Fua’amotu International Airport, originally built in 1989 through Japanese-Tongan cooperation, serves as Tonga’s primary connection to global air routes.

This new investment represents the latest chapter in the long-standing partnership between Japan and Tonga, demonstrating their shared commitment to infrastructure development and regional connectivity.

The upgrade project aims to enhance passenger experience while ensuring the airport meets international safety and operational standards.

Construction timelines and implementation details will be announced following completion of final design work and tender processes.

The project underscores Japan’s ongoing support for Pacific Island nations’ infrastructure development.

Lulutai Airlines faces crucial safety audit after grounding over maintenance failures

By
Kalino Latu
-

Tonga’s Civil Aviation Office (CAO) and Papua New Guinea’s aviation safety inspectors have launched a high-stakes audit of Lulutai Airlines, just four weeks after the carrier was temporarily grounded for failing to meet critical maintenance requirements.

Senior Safety Officer James Panuve led CAO’s team at this morning’s meeting with Sela Finefeuiaki Vea, ‘Ilaisaane Malani and Tevita Ma’asi.

The audit follows the Public Enterprises Minister’s recent revelation that the airline has yet to overcome significant financial, administrative, and management shortcomings.

The week-long audit, which began with today’s entry meeting at Lulutai’s headquarters, will determine whether the airline retains its vital Air Operating Certificate (AOC) following its recent suspension.

The meeting is held to inform stakeholders of the process before meetings and site visits are made.

An exit meeting will be done upon completion of this audit.

Their findings will be reported to the Director of Civil Aviation on the audited party’s compliance with recommendations.

This is a standard procedure to ensure operating air transportation is done in a safe manner.

Senior Safety Officer James Panuve led CAO’s team at this morning’s meeting with Sela Finefeuiaki Vea, ‘Ilaisaane Malani and Tevita Ma’asi.

Tonga’s Civil Aviation Office under the Ministry of Infrastructure is committed to providing safety oversight for the public traveling by air.

With Tonga’s tourism sector still recovering from [relevant event if applicable], the audit’s outcome carries significant economic implications.

The Ministry of Infrastructure emphasised that “safety remains non-negotiable” while acknowledging Lulutai’s essential role in domestic connectivity.

1...567...913Page 6 of 913
© Copyright 2025 Kaniva Tonga News & Entertainment